Byzantine missionary activity in the north littoral Black sea area

1. The state of research

Byzantine missionary activity, both from a theoretical point of view and in terms of the actual practices, is the main subject of the recently published work of S. A. Ivanov.1 As far as research in the wider Black Sea region is concerned, Byzantine missions usually fall under the general category of the history of Christianity and its expansion in the area.

2. Apostolic tradition

According to tradition, missionary activity in the Black Sea coasts dates back to the apostolic era. The Byzantine conviction that the Apostle Andrew founded the Patriarchate of Constantinople emerged in the late 8th century; however, scholarly research has established a link between this belief and the legends concerning Andrew’s missionary activity. The monk Epiphanios, from the monastery of Kallistratos at Constantinople, wrote the Vita of the Apostle Andrew between 815 and 843.2 He recorded there the Apostle's itinerary, according to a tradition that was being established already in the 4th c. Among others, the Vita offers an account of Andrew’s activity in Skythia, in the land of the “Kosogdians,” that is the habitants of the city of Sougdaia (mod. Sudak in Crimea), in Colchis, in the land of the “Ethiopeans” (the inhabitants of Inner Colchis) and the “Gorziniens” (Georgeans?), as well as in the “great Sebastopolis” (today’s Sukhum in Abkahazia), in the garrisons of Apsaros (mod. Gonio in Azaria), and near the river Phasis, where Iberians, “Soussoi”, “Foustoi” and Alans were settled.3 According to the tradition, Andrew was buried in Patras, Greece, but his remains were transported to Constantinople and placed as relics in the church of the Holy Apostles, built by Constantine I. The Acts of Andrew (Acta Andreae), dated in the 7th century, have survived in several languages and describe Andrew’s missionary activity in the Crimea and the eastern coast of the Black Sea.4

The diverse itinerary that Andrew followed can be traced around three large areas: Skythia (Crimea and its environs to the north), Colchis and the coastal area of Asia Minor, including the city of Byzantium and its surroundings. The Latin sources that discuss Andrew’s activity in Skythia are the eldest: the testimony of Arnobius (between the 3rd and 4th centuries), Tertullianus (first half of the 3rd century) and Origenes (d. 253). Eusebius of Caesarea borrowed a phrase from Origenes, according to which Skythia was destined for Andrew.5

During the first centuries of Christianity in Crimea there is no apparent evidence for a particular worshipping of Andrew (as was the case in Constantinople). On the contrary, in the eastern coast of the Black Sea existed a deeply rooted tradition that linked Andrew to the Christianisation of the area; this is verified by the Russian ambassadors to the Mingrelians,6 as well as a missionary monk of the Vatican, Cristoforo Castelli in the 17th century. Castelli writes that the great church of Pitsunda was dedicated to the Apostle Andrew, also considered an Evangelist in the area.7

3. The Early Byzantine period

The ‘Passion of the Saints of Cherson’, dating in the 4th century, contains information on the early history of Christianity in the Crimean peninsula.8 In 299, at the time of Hermon, bishop of Jerusalem, a mission was sent to Crimea. One of the two bishops taking part, Basil (Basileus), was sent to preach in the city of Chersonesos, while the other one, Ephraim, was to spread the Christian faith among the barbarians (“Tauroskythes”) on the outskirts; both became Martyrs. Later on, another group of missionaries arrived in Chersonesos, comprised of three bishops (Eugenios, Agathodoros and Elpidios), but their mission also failed. Finally, at the time of Constantine I and after the martyrdom of Aetherios, the bishop Capiton managed to baptize the inhabitants of Cherson. The comparison of this data with historical and archaeological evidence has caused long disputes.9 Certain modifications to the text of Martyrios reveal the intent, during the reign of Theodosius I, to emphasize the decisive role of the Constantinopolitan Seat. The bishop of Cherson, Aetherios, a historical figure, participated in the Council of Constantinople in 381.

Concerning Cimmerian Bosporus, we find objects of Christian worship in tombs, dating to the 3rd and 4th centuries. The bishop Kadmos participated in the Council of Nicaea in 325. In the second half of the 4th century and in the 5th century, there is more archaeological evidence for the Christianisation of the area, including tombs, decorated with Christian symbols. In the eastern part of Crimea, the large Jewish communities created a friendly environment that made possible the propagation of Christianity. Near the medieval church in Bosporus (Kerch) came to light the remains of a baptistery, dated in the 6th century.10

In the eastern coast of the Black Sea another group of seven martyrs appears in the sources. These were seven brothers, soldiers and martyrs, who were exiled in Pityous during the time of Diocletian and Maximian (286-310). The Life of St Orentios, a 6th century source, describes the route from Trebizond to Pityous, in the form of a journey. Six of the brothers died in the coastal towns along the way, while only Longinos managed to reach Pityous.11 Another party of Christian soldiers, the saints Eugenios, Valerian, Kanidios and Akylas, was also exiled in Pityous; they were later burned to death in Trebizond and became martyrs. The most famous exile in Pityous during that period was St John Chrysostom, sent there in 406. However, he never made it to Pityous and died in the area Komana in Pontos in September of 407.12

John Chrysostom played an important role in the Christianisation of the Goths residing in Constantinople. Theodoretos of Cyr (5th century) compares Chrysostom to the Apostles. According to tradition, John had great missionary activity in the areas of the Abasgoi, the Alans, the Iberians (Georgians) and other peoples. This activity is evident in the Life of John, written in the 7th century, but does not correspond to actual events.13

In the 6th century, historians, such as Procopius of Caesarea, Malalas and others, mention the activities of Byzantine missionaries in the area of the Black Sea. According to Agathias, Justin I baptized in Constantinople the ruler (prince) of Lazoi Tstathius (“spiritual child” of the emperor) in 522.14 This ceremonial baptism of “barbarian” princes by the Byzantine emperors in the Baptistery of Hagia Sophia will later become a tradition of imperial diplomatic practices. In the period of Justinian this Byzantine mission became a mission endorsed by State. A typical example can be found in the Christianization of the Abkhazians (Abasgoi). Procopius writes that these people living in the Caucasus were still, in his days, worshipping trees as gods, as is indeed verified by modern Abkhazian place names. Therefore, several place names include the word “anykha” (an area or sacred item) and a word that is the name of a tree, for example “akhash-nykha” (the sacred area of the pear tree). At the beginning of the 5th decade of the 6th century, Justinian sent to Abkhazia the palace eunuch Euphratas, a person of Abkhazian decent, accompanied by priests. Euphratas managed to persuade the Abkhazian princes to denounce the practice of castration. During the same era the church of the Virgin Mary was built.15 This church is identified as the Tsandripsh basilica, near the town Gagra (ancient Nitike).16 In 527 Justinian baptised in Constantinople Grod (or Gord), ruler of the Huns, who lived near the Cimmerian Bosporus. In the 5th decade of the 6th century, the Goths Tetraxites, who resided in the valley of the river Ypanes or Kuban, requested a bishop from Justinian, who happily granted them their request.17

Therefore, the Christianisation of the “barbarians” by the missionaries sent from the empire’s capital was integrated with the political and diplomatic context of the wars of Justinian.

4. The Iconoclastic Period

The Iconoclastic period was a significant period for the propagation of Christianity, due to the fact that the iconoclasts were forced to leave the capital and other important cities. The martyr Stephen the Young, around 754, addresses the exiled iconoclastic monks and advises them to flee to the Black Sea area, near the province of Zichia, Cherson, Bosporus, Nikopse and Gothia.18

St Stephen of Sougdaia had significant missionary activity in Crimea. According to his Life, which survives in Greek, Slavic and Armenian versions, he must have been sent to Sougdaia by Patriarch German of Constantinople (715-730) around 729. As a bishop there, he managed to convert to Christianity many pagans (Antigue, Chazars and others), who formed a significant part of the population. For 35 years, for the duration of his bishopric, he also ordained many priests and deacons.19 After his death on 764, his two pupils continued on teaching Christianity, one in Chazaria and one in Sougdaia.

At the beginning of the 9th century, the iconophile John Psychaites was exiled to Crimea. There he persuaded many pagans, living in the environs of the Bosporus, to convert to Christianity.20 From the Life of John of Gothia, written between 815 and 843, we understand the complex reality of life in Crimea: in the mid-8th century, Gothia had regular iconoclastic bishops, while at the same time John was a ‘heretic’ iconophile bishop.21

The Taktikon (Notitia) of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, also called the ‘Taktikon De Boor’ or ‘the Iconophile Taktikon’ (Cod. Par. 1555A, № 3 according to J. Darrouzès), dates to the end of the 8th century- beginning of 9th century. It mentions the province of Gothia, which includes the metropolitan see of Doros, and seven bishoprics. Among them were also the town Tamarcha and the fortress Astel, centre of the Chazar Hun. This metropolitan seat controlled a very large area: Crimea, part of northern Caucasus and part of the north-eastern coast of the Black Sea.22In this Taktikon we can detect the Patriarchate’s intentions to extend its control on the areas surrounding the Black Sea.

5. The Middle Byzantine and Palaiologan periods

Cherson of the Taurus area was a significant place for the missionary activity of Constantine-Cyril, one of the two brothers from Thessalonike, known as the Apostles of the Slavs (ca. 860).23 Cyril visited “the peoples of Phoulloi”, a town north-east of Crimea24and persuaded its citizens to cut down the holy tree that they worshipped until then. During Cyril’s stay in Cherson, in the winter of 860/861, the relics of St Clemens were discovered in the island called ‘Kazatchij’ (of the Kazaks). The description of the itinerary of this mission is very rich in details concerning the topography of the town and the position of certain significant sanctuaries,25 as well as the liturgical typikon.26

In 988, in Cherson, the Russian prince Vladimir and his army (“druzhina”) were baptized by the bishop of the town. Scholars have not yet identified the church where this ceremony took place. They have suggested the larger basilica of Ouvarov (“Ouvarovskaya”), the cross-shaped church in the main cemetery or even the cross-shaped church situated in the market-place.27 The relics of St Clement and his pupil, along with ceremonial instruments, crosses and icons from Cherson were the gifts of Vladimir to the Cathedral of Kiev, the oldest church in Russia, also called “Desiatinnaia”.28 To commemorate his conversion to Christianity in Cherson, Vladimir built a church there (probably the so called ‘basilica on the hill’ in the western part of the city).29

At the beginning of the 10th century, the empire was busy with political problems in the area near the north-eastern coast of the Black Sea, inhabited by the Abkhazians, the Alans and the Khazars. Abkhazia was the “field of missions” for the conversion of the Alans of the northern Caucasus. Patriarch Nicholas Mystikos sent letters to Constantine III, ruler of Abkhazia (letter 51, dated in 914-916), to his son, George II (letter 46, dated 916-917) and to the bishop of Cherson (letter 106, dated 920), in which he mentions the conversion to Christianity of the Alans, their ruler, and another people that is not named.30 The Christianization of the Alans was not smooth. A letter of Theodore, Bishop of Alania, addressed to Patriarch German of Nicaea in 1225, narrates the many difficulties that the propagation of Christianity had met in that area.31

The Palaiologan era was the final period of Byzantine missionary activity in Crimea. Toward the end of the 13th century, written sources mention the conversion to Christianity of the Tatars. In the 14th-15th c., a bishop of tataric ancestry is recorded in Sougdaia.32

1. Иванов, С. A., Византийское миссионерство, Можно ли сделать из «варвара» христианина? (Москва 2003).

2. "Epiphanii monachi et presbyteri de vita et actibus et morte sancti, et plane laudandi, et primi vocati inter alios apostolos Andreae," in Dressel, A. (ed.), Epiphanii monachi et presbyteri edita et inedita (Leipzig 1843), pp. 45-82 [= PG 120, col. 215-60].

3. Most of these names and countries have been already recorded in a 4th-C. opusculum of Epiphanius of Salamis, cf. T. Schermann, Prophetarum vitae fabulosae (Leipzig 1907), pp. 107-117: «βʹ. Ἀνδρέας δὲ ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ, ὡς οἱ πρὸ ἡμῶν παραδεδώκασιν, ἐκήρυξε Σκύθαις καὶ Σογδιανοῖς καὶ Γορσίνοις καὶ ἐν Σεβαστοπόλει τῇ μεγάλῃ, ὅπου ἐστὶν ἡ παρεμβολὴ Ἄψαρος καὶ Ὕσσου λιμὴν καὶ Φᾶσις ποταμός, ἔνθα οἰκοῦσιν Αἰθίοπες, θάπτεται δὲ ἐν Πάτραις τῆς Ἀχαίας σταυρῷ προσδεθεὶς ὑπὸ Αἰγέα τοῦ βασιλέως Πατρῶν» [].

4. Prieur, J., Acta Andreae (Corpus Christianorum, Series Apocryphorum 6, Turnhout 1989), pp. 443-549, 684-703; Vinogradov, A., “Die zweite Rezension der Actorum Andreae et Matthiae apud anthropophagos [BHG 110B]”, Христианский Восток 3 (IX), (2002), pp. 11-105; van Esbroeck, M., “Les Actes d’André d’après la tradition attribuée à Ephrem”, Христианский Восток 3 (IX), (2002), pp. 106-151; Деяния апостола Андрея, Предисловие, перевод и комментарий А. Ю. Виноградова (Москва 2004) (Scrinium Philocalicum; 2); Виноградов, А. Ю., Греческие предания о св. апостоле Андрее: Жития (Москва-Санкт-Петербург 2005); Dvornik, F., The Idea of Apostolicity in Byzantium and the Legend of the Apostle Andrew (Cambridge Mass. 1958), pp. 173-1890, 208-109; Виноградов, А. Ю., “Апостол Андрей и Черное Море: проблемы источниковедения”, in Подосинов, А. В. (ed.), Древнейшие государства Восточной Европы, 1996-1997 (Москва 1999), pp. 348-367; Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum XXII (Stuttgart 2007), pp. 96-97, s.v. “Krim” (L. Khrushkova).

5. von Harnack, A., Die Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums in den ersten drei Jahrhunderten I-II (Leipzig 1924, repr. 1965), p. 539 ff, and in french  Mission et expansion du christianisme aux trois premiers siècles, transl. M. Tardieu (Paris 2004). Harnack believes that Andrew indeed travelled in this whole area, but other scholars consider this purely a legend. See Зубарь, В. М. – Хворостяный, А. И., От язычества к христианству, Начальный этап проникновения и утверждения христианства на юге Украины (вторая половина III– первая половина VI в.) (Киев 2000), p. 54.

6. Лихачев, Д. С. (ed.), Путешествия русских послов XVI-XVII вв., Статейные списки (Москва-Ленинград 1954), p. 218.

7. Guiorgazze, B. (ed.), Don Cristoforo De Castelli, Relazione e album dei schizzi sulla Georgia del secolo XVII (Tbilisi 1976), fig. 466, pp. 177-178.

8. This source survives in three variations, Greek, Georgian and Russian. Латышев, В. В., “Жития св. епископов херсонских, Исследования и тексты”, Записки императорской Академии наук по историко-филологическому отделению VIII 3 (1906), pp. 7-37, 58-62; Шестаков, С. П., Очерки по истории Херсонеса в IV-X вв. по Р. Х. (Памятники христианского Херсонеса III, Москва 1908), pp. 13-25, 139-141; Лавров, П., Жития херсонских святых в греко-славянской письменности (Памятники христианского Херсонеса II, Москва 1911), pp. 1-153; Латышев, В. В. – Кекелидзе, К., “Житие святых епископов Херсонских в грузинской минее”, Известия императорской археологической комиссии 49 (1913), pp. 75-88; Ηalkin, F., “La passion des sept évêques de Cherson (Crimée)”, Analecta Bollandiana 102 (1984), pp. 253-261, edition of the BHG 265z unpublished text from the 14th-c. manuscript Patmiacus 736.

9. Завадская, Е. А., “Христианизация ранневизантийского Херсонеса (IV-VI вв.)”, in Материалы по археологии, истории и этнографии Таврии X (Симферополь 2003), pp. 405-406; Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum XXII (Stuttgart 2007), pp. 95-96, see “Krim” (L. Khrushkova). C. Zuckerman suggests a new reading of the source that will establish a more probable date for the mission of the bishops of Cherson: Zuckerman, C., “The Early Byzantine Strongholds in Eastern Pontus”, Travaux et Mémoires 11 (1991), pp. 548-549; Цукерман, К., “Епископы и гарнизон Херсона в IV в.”, in Материалы по археологии, истории и этнографии Таврии IV (Симферополь 1994-1995), pp. 545-561. This new interpretation appears rather ungrounded, as it is not fully verified by the sources: Хрушкова, Л. Г., “Современная раннехристианская и византийская археология в Крыму: проблемы и дискуссии”, στο Симонов, В. В. (ed.), Раннее христианство в Северном Причерноморье (Москва 2008), pp. 1215-1220.

10. Diatroptov, P. D., “The spread of Christianity in the Bosporus in the 3rd-6th centuries”, Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 5.3 (1999), pp. 215-244; Зубарь, В. М. – Хворостяный, А. И., От язычества к христианству, Начальный этап проникновения и утверждения христианства на юге Украины (вторая половина III– первая половниа VI в.) (Киев 2000), pp. 104-130; Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum XXII (Stuttgart 2007), pp. 103-106, s.v. “Krim” (L. Khrushkova).

11. Bryer, A. – Winfield, D., The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of the Pontos (Dumbarton Oaks Studies 20, Washington 1985), pp. 166-169, 325-327.

12. Khroushkova, L., Les monuments chrétiens de la côte orientale de la mer Noire, Abkhazie, IVe-XIVe siècles (Bibliothèque de l’Antiquité Tardive 9, Turnhout 2006), pp. 24-25.

13. Иванов, С. A., Византийское миссионерство, Можно ли сделать из «варвара» христианина? (Москва 2003), pp. 65-69.

14. Αγαθίας, Ιστορίαι III.15.3, Keydell, R. (ed.), Agathiae Myrinaei Historiarum Libri quinque (Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 2, Berlin 1967), p. 103; Khroushkova, L., Les monuments chrétiens de la côte orientale de la mer Noire, Abkhazie, IVe-XIVe siècles (Turnhout 2006), p. 22.

15. Προκόπιος, Υπέρ των Πολέμων VIII 3, 14-21, Haury, J. – Wirth, G. (ed.), Procopius Caesarensis, Opera omnia, De bellis libri I-VIII, vol. 2 (Leipzig 1962-1963), pp. 498-500. Evagrios in his Eccleasiastical History, IV 22, Bidez, J. – Parmentier, L. (ed.), Evagrius, The Ecclesiastical History, with the Scholia (Amsterdam 1964), p. 170 provides the same information. Procopius and Zonaras mention that the princes of Abkhazia and Lazike were widely practicing castration on boys, in order to sell them as slaves. Many eunuchs held important positions in the palace of Constantinople. See Guilland, P., “Les eunuques dans l’Empire byzantin”, στο Recherches sur les institutions byzantines I (Berlin – Amsterdam 1967), pp. 166-167. Euphratas was primekerios tou koitonos (in charge of the palace eunuchs); many of these eunuchs were from the same area as him. See Martindale, J. R. (ed.), The Prosopography of the Late Roman Empire III A (Cambridge 1992), p. 465; Khroushkova, L., Les monuments chrétiens de la côte orientale de la mer Noire, Abkhazie, IVe-XIVe siècles (Turnhout 2006), p. 23; Иванов, С. A., Византийское миссионерство, Можно ли сделать из «варвара» христианина? (Москва 2003), p. 82-87.

16. Хрушкова, Л. Г., Раннехристианские памятники Восточного Причерноморья, IV-VII вв. (Москва 2002), pp. 137-184.

17. Иванов, С. И., Византийское миссионерство, Можно ли сделать из «варвара» христианина? (Москва 2003), p. 88.

18. Auzépy, M.-F., La Vie d’Étienne le Jeune par Étienne le Diacre (Aldershot 1997); Auzépy, M.-F., L’hagiographie et l’iconoclasme byzantin, le cas de la Vie d’Étienne le Jeune (Birmingham Byzantine and Ottoman Monograph 5, Aldershot 1999); Иванов, С. И., Византийское миссионерство, Можно ли сделать из «варвара» христианина? (Москва 2003), p. 120. On the issue of the iconophile or iconoclastic inclination of Crimea see Auzépy, M.-F., “Gothie et Crimée de 750 à 830 dans les sources ecclésiastiques et monastiques grecques”, Материалы по археологии, истории и этнографии Таврии 7 (2000), pp. 324-327; Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum XXII (Stuttgart 2007), pp. 100-102, see “Krim” (L. Khrushkova).

19. Recent editions of the Life of St Stephen: Bozoyan, A., “La Vie arménienne de saint Ėtienne de Sougdaia”, στο Zuckerman, C. (ed.), La Crimée entre Byzance et le Khaganat Khazar (Centre de recherches d’Histoire et Civilisation de Byzance, Monographies 25, Paris 2006), pp. 87-108; Ivanov, S. A., “The Slavonic Life of Saint Stefan of Surozh”, στο Zuckerman, C. (ed.), pp. 109-170; Иванов, С. И., Византийское миссионерство, Можно ли сделать из «варвара» христианина? (Москва 2003), pp. 121-127.

20. van den Ven, P., “La Vie grecque de Jean le Psichaïte, confesseur sous le règne de Léon l’Arménien (813-820)”, Le Muséon III, Nouv. Sér. (1902), pp. 97-125.

21. Auzépy, M.-F., “La Vie de Jean de Gothie (BHG 891)”, in Zuckerman, C. (ed.), La Crimée entre Byzance et le Khaganat Khazar (Paris 2006), pp. 69-86; Auzépy, M.-F., “Gothie et Crimée de 750 à 830 dans les sources ecclésiastiques et monastiques grecques”, Материалы по археологии, истории и этнографии Таврии 7 (2000), pp. 327-331.

22. Darrouzès, J., Notitiae episcopatuum ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae (Paris 1981), pp. 20-22, 31, and Taktikon 3.37 (p. 241); Vasiliev, A., The Goths in the Crimea (Cambridge 1936), pp. 97-104; Иванов, С. И., Византийское миссионерство, Можно ли сделать из «варвара» христианина? (Москва 2003), pp. 146-149; Zuckerman, C., “Byzantium’s pontic policy in the Notitiae episcopatuum”, in Zuckerman, C. (ed.), La Crimée entre Byzance et le Khaganat Khazar (Paris 2006), pp. 202-218.

23. Vita cum Translatione S. Clementis, in Лавров, П., Жития херсонских святых в Греко-славянской письменности (Памятники христианского Херсонеса 2, Москва 1911), pp. 142-147; “Моравско-паннонские Жития Константина и Мефодия, 1. Житие Константина Философа (по рукописи бывшей Моск. Духовной академии, хранящейся в Отделе рукописей Рос. Гос. Биб-ки, ф. 173, № 19)”, in Лавров, П. А., Материалы по истории возникновения древнейшей славянской письменности (Труды Славянской комиссии 1, Ленинград 1930), pp. 1-36; “Житие Константина Философа (текст, комментарии)”, in Флори, Б. Н. (tran.), Сказания о начале славянской письменности (Москва 1981); Иванов, С. И., Византийское миссионерство, Можно ли сделать из «варвара» христианина? (Москва 2003), pp. 149-152.

24. The location of the town called “Phoullai” has not been identified, even though there are several suggestions about it. The Tepsen plateau appears to be the most probable out of these suggestions. See Майко, В. В., Средневековое городище на плато Тепсень в Юго-Восточном Крыму (Киев 2004); Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum XXII (Stuttgart 2007), p. 83, s.v. “Krim” (L. Khrushkova).

25. Беляев, С. А., “Христианская топография Херсонеса, постановка вопроса, история изучения и современное положение”, in Церковные древности, Сборник докладов секции, VII международные Рождественские образовательные чтения, 28-29 янв. 1999 г. (Москва 1999), pp. 3-49; Сорочан, С. Б., Византийский Херсон (вторая половина VI – первая половина X вв.), Очерки истории и культуры 2 (Харьков 2005), pp. 1.449-1.455.

26. Уханова, Е. В., “Обретение мощей в византийской церкви (по материалам Слова Константина Философа на обретение мощей св. Климента Римского)”, στο Лидов, А. М. (ed.), Восточнохристианские реликвии (Москва 2003), pp. 132-150; Акентьев, К. К., “О структуре богослужебного последования, описанного в Слове на перенесение мощей св. Климента Римского”, in Византия в контексте мировой культуры, Научная конференция, посвященная столетию со дня рождения А. В. Банк (1906-1984), Тезисы докладов [Summaries], (Санкт-Петербург 2008), p. 4.

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